Political Question

Case Brief: Ghana Bar Association v. Attorney-General and Abban (Abban Case)

Ghana Bar Association v. Attorney-General and AbbanStatement of fact: The President of the Republic of Ghana nominated Mr Justice Isaac Kobina Abban, a justice of the Supreme Court for approval by Parliament as the Chief Justice. This was done in anticipation of the retirement of the then Chief Justice, Mr Justice P. E. N. K. Archer.Parliament gave the approval and Mr. Abban took the oath of office before the President as required by the Constitution, 1992. The Plaintiff Association invoked the original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court challenging the constitutionality of the appointment of the second defendant by the President. The plaintiff argued that the second defendant was not a person of high moral character and proven integrity as required by the 1992 Constitution. The defendant on the other hand contended that the Supreme Court lacked jurisdiction to entertain the action of the plaintiff. Issue: Whether or not the Supreme Court has jurisdiction to entertain the present action? Held: The Supreme Court lacks jurisdiction to entertain the matter. Reasoning: Unlike Adade, JSC in the case of the New Patriotic Party v. Attorney-General (31st December Case), who asserted that the doctrine of political question does not apply under the Constitution, Kpegah, JSC believes it applies. Political question is rooted in the doctrine of separation of powers. The appointment of the Chief Justice is committed to other agencies of government- Executive and Legislature. Therefore, inviting the Supreme Court into this matter is like going somewhere one ought not to go. This invitation, like in the words of Chief Justice John Marshall, does not only amount to “an absurd and excessive extravagance” but also usurpation of the constitutional functions of both the Executive and Legislature.The act of the President was to nominate which he did. The act of the Council of State was to advise which they did. The act of Parliament was to give approval, which they did. These acts are not inconsistent with the Constitution. The Constitution is silent on who a man of high moral character and proven integrity is. The framers have therefore left this decision to be made by the President, Council of State and Parliament. Therefore, the plaintiff cannot ask the court to do what another arm of government is clothed with power to do. Conclusion: The Supreme Court lacks jurisdiction to declare the appointment of the Chief Justice as null and void.Per Kpegah, JSC at pp. 644-646: The Speaker of Parliament was made the first defendant in this suit. The court considered the impropriety of joining the Speaker of Parliament and decided to strike out the Speaker as a defendant. This is what the court said at 650: “This then brings us to the question of how far the courts can question what, under our Constitution, has been done in, and by, Parliament? There is a long line of authorities which establishes two important principles governing the relationship that subsists or should exist between Parliament and the courts:(a) that the courts can call in question a decision of Parliament; but that the courts cannot seek to extend their writs into what happens in Parliament; and(b) that the law and custom of Parliament is a distinct body of law and, as constitutional experts do not put it, “unknown to the courts.” At pp. 650-653: My Lords, having identified the characteristics, I think it will be appropriate now to confront the ultimate question; whether the criteria we have identified as to what constitutes a nonjusticiable “political question” brings the instant case under the umbrella of the said doctrine. The natural beginning, as was pointed out in the Baker case p.651, is to note whether any of the common characteristics which we have been able to identify are present.“My Lords, every element is present in the case before us. To the first question, whether the appointment of the Chief Justice is constitutionally committed to other agencies of government, I will answer in the affirmative. By the provisions of article 144(1) of the Constitution, 1992 this function is specifically committed to both the executive and the legislature; and to accept the invitation which is being extended to us and exercise jurisdiction in the matter, we shall be behaving like an unruly dog which has refused to be chained to its own kennel but wanders to places where it ought not to be. Any attempt by the Supreme Court to claim a power to be able to declare null and void the appointment of the Chief Justice made by the President, in consultation with the Council of State and with the approval of Parliament as provided in the Constitution, 1992 could not only correctly or justly be characterised, in the words of Chief Justice Marshall, as “”an absurd and excessive extravagance”” but also as usurpation of the constitutional functions of both the executive and the legislature. As a fall out, we shall be deliberately courting confrontation not only with the executive, but also with Parliament whose proceedings we have no power to scrutinize. If the President, in consultation with the Council of State and with the approval of Parliament makes an appointment in compliance with the Constitution, 1992, his authority, in the words of Justice Jackson, “is at its maximum”. Because in such circumstances, his authority includes all that he possesses under the Constitution, 1992 plus all that Parliament, the people’s direct representatives, has. When the President gets the support of Parliament in the discharge of a constitutional duty, he can in such circumstance be described not only as close to personifying the sovereign people of Ghana, but also doing their will. If the President’s act is held to be unconstitutional in these circumstances, then it means that the Government of Ghana, in the words of Gunther, “as an undivided whole lacks power.” For, as was pointed out by Professor Edward S Corwin, quoted by Professor H J Abraham in his book, The Judicial Process (6th ed) at p 358 the principle of, “a political question relates to the possession of

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Case Brief: New Patriotic Party v. Attorney-General (31st December Case)

New Patriotic Party v. Attorney-General[1] (31st December Case) Statement of fact: The Government of the National Democratic Congress on 19th December 1993 announced the observation of 31st December 1993 as a public holiday under an existing law, the Public Holidays Law, 1989 (PNDCL 220). This holiday was in commemoration of the 31st December 1981 revolution which overthrew the Constitution, 1979 and the Government of Dr Hilla Limann.   This invoked the wrath and indignation of interested sections of the public who were vehemently opposed to coups. The New Patriotic Party, a registered political party, issued a writ invoking the original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court under articles 2(1) (b) and 130 (1) of the Constitution, 1992 under rule 45 of the Supreme Court Rules, 1970 (C.I. 13). The plaintiff sought a declaration that the public celebration of the overthrow of the legally constituted Government of Ghana on 31 December 1981, and the financing of such celebration from public funds is inconsistent with or in contravention of the letter and spirit of the Constitution, 1992 and more particularly articles 3(3), (4), (5), (6) and (7), and 35(1) and 41(b) thereof. The plaintiff also sought an order directing the Government of Ghana to cancel all preparations for the celebration of the overthrow of the legally constituted Government of Ghana on 31 December 1981 aforesaid and to refrain from carrying out any such celebration financed from public funds.     Thus, the plaintiff challenged the constitutionality of the celebration of a coup d’etat with the argument that it offended the letter and spirit of the Constitution, 1992. The defendant argued that the court cannot inquire into the legality or constitutionality of the event of 31 December. Secondly, that the orders sought by the plaintiff, especially in its claim (2), are in the nature of an injunction against the President or the State, and that this court has no jurisdiction to issue such an injunction. Thirdly, that the question whether 31 December should be celebrated or not is a political question, which this court is not entitled to decide. This should be left to coordinate arms of government to deal with. The defendant, on the other hand, contended that questioning the constitutionality of the celebration of 31st December as a public holiday amounted to the questioning of the constitutionality of the 31st December 1981 coup. This kind of exercise is against section 34 of the Transitional Provision of the Constitution, 1992. Issues: Whether or not the Court had jurisdiction to adjudicate the matter? Whether or not the Court could issue an injunction against the President or the State? Whether or not the case is a political one which ought not to be entertained by this Court? Whether or not the Directive Principles of State Policy are justiciable? Whether or not the celebration of 31st December is inconsistent with the Constitution, 1992? Held: The Court has jurisdiction to entertain the present matter. This Court can issue injunction against the President and even Parliament. The Supreme Court ought to entertain the case. The Directive Principles of State Policy are justiciable. Celebration of 31st December is inconsistent with the Constitution, 1992. Reasoning: The defendant’s argument that the action of the plaintiff sought to question the constitutionality of the coup of 31st December 1981 is untenable. Coup by itself is an illegal act and as such no one would spend precious time questioning that which was an illegality and treasonable. The reliefs sought do not question the legality or otherwise of the 31st December 1981 coup. The reliefs sought to question the anniversary of 31st December with State money beyond 7th January 1993. To this, the Court has jurisdiction to entertain the case of the plaintiff. Also, the Court is clothed with the power to issue injunctions against the President and even against Parliament. Pursuant to Articles 1 and 2 of the Constitution, 1992, once an Act offends the Constitution, it is null and void. Should the President or the executive enforce or obey it, the court has jurisdiction to restrain him or her. The Supreme Court is the ultimate interpreter of the Constitution, 1992. Issues of constitutional interpretation are justiciable only by the Supreme Court. The Constitution in its entirety is justiciable. If there is a portion that is not justiciable, the Constitution would have said so. Again, article 2(1) of the Constitution, 1992 says inconsistency with or contravention of a provision of the Constitution; if there were exceptions, it would have been mentioned. By virtue of the tradition (because there was none contradicting) of Constitution, 1979 which had Chapter 4 justiciable, the Chapter 6 of the Constitution, 1992 is also justiciable. The Directive Principles of State Policy is therefore justiciable. Celebrating 31st December will be an insidious and surreptitious way of undermining the Constitution. Laying out money and resources to play up the idea of coups is well-knowing to undermine the Constitution, 1992 which frowns on coups. By precedent, coup days declared as public holidays were abolished with successive military or civilian governments so by logic, 31st December should not be carried into the new dispensation after 7th January 1993. Those who were pardoned for the coup cannot turn back and celebrate what for which they had been pardoned. This offends, if not the letter, the spirit or the conscience of the Constitution, 1992. As unjustifiable as the celebration of 31st December is, any public money spent is also unjustifiable. What section 34 of the Transitional Provision of the Constitution, 1992 does is to give pardon to all coup makers even before 1981 so if we are to celebrate 31st December then all the other military coups must be celebrated as such. Per Adade, JSC (Majority view) at pp. 60- 66: From the reasons given, I am satisfied that the objection to the court’s jurisdiction is, with respect, misconceived. First, the action here does not seek to question the legality of the 31 December coup. Indeed, it is unnecessary for anyone to mount an action

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